ERIK SOLHIEM (Moderator): A hearty welcome to this Press Conference! The proceedings would be rather easy. Deputy Minister Vidar Helgesen sitting in the middle will start giving you his personal invitation and on what has happened and will read to you the press release which I think I have made available to each and everyone. If someone has not got the release, it will be arranged. Thereafter you will be able to put questions to Mr. Balasingham to the left or to Mr. Peiris to the right.
This press conference will be held in the same atmosphere as the peace talks itself. That means - friendly, warm, cordial batting in order, which means that no one would get the floor by shouting questions or anything like that. Anyone who wants to put the questions should do it through me. All other questions will be simply ignored.
Then, this press conference is also a press conference on the present state of the peace process. We will entertain all questions related to the peace process and the peace talks today, but we will not entertain all questions say… related to domestic affairs of Sri Lanka or to Norwegian politics for that matter or the history of Sri Lanka and all other matters. The time limit is certainly too short for that. So, any one trying to bring up all these other matters will have to wait till later press conferences by either of the parties or joint press conferences of them all.
These are the basic rules of this press conference. Again a hearty welcome and I give the floor to Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen.
VIDAR HELGESEN: Thank you very much Eric. It is indeed a pleasure to be able to address this gathering on this very important occasion and to have some pieces of good news to communicate. I’d like to confirm Eric’s words that the ‘talks’ have been cordial and constructive. We have had a casual dress code and a casual tone of voice between the parties. There has been a nice atmosphere, not restricted to the negotiating table but also to the chats at the coffee table. This does not change the facts that the parties realised the seriousness of the challenges and not least the long term perspective of this process.
I said at the out set of this peace talks on Monday that the parties have shown the courage and leadership. They have continued over the last 48 hours to do so not only in words but also deeds, not only talking at the table but also agreeing on practical steps forward. They have been working in spirit of togetherness, and in a spirit of seeking solutions and finding solutions. That is why the key message of our statement is that the parties are off to a promising start and they are taking practical steps for peace to bring the process forward.
I will now proceed to read the formal statement by the Norwegian Government agreed to by the parties.
The first round of formal peace talks between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam was held in Sattahip, Thailand between 16th and 18th September 2002. The negotiations were facilitated by the Royal Norwegian Government.The parties agreed that in their determination to bring the peace process forward, they are responding to the over whelming call of the peoples of Sri Lanka to bring an end to the ethnic conflict, and to create the conditions for a lasting peace, prosperity and to respect for human rights.
Both parties expressed their resolve to address the full range of issues pertaining to a lasting settlement of the conflict, fully realising that this can best be achieved by pursuing a step-by-step approach to the negotiating process. This approach has proven successful in the establishment and the implementation of the Ceasefire Agreement already in force since February this year. The parties recognised the need for sustaining this Ceasefire Agreement with the continued assistance of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission which the parties commended for its impartial conduct in the fulfillment of its important mandate.
The parties affirmed their determination to continue upholding the Ceasefire Agreement and expanding the range of confidence-building measures over the period ahead. Building on the achievement of the Ceasefire Agreement, the parties agreed to establish promptly a Joint Committee to deal with issues relating to High Security Zones, with the aim of enabling the return of larger numbers of displaced persons to their areas of origin, thereby facilitating the restoration of normalcy. This Joint Committee will consist of senior representatives of both sides, including military personnel.
The parties discussed in depth the urgent need to address the difficult humanitarian situation in the North and East of Sri Lanka. To this effect, the parties agreed to establish a Joint Task Force for Humanitarian and Reconstruction Activities. The Joint Task Force will constitute a partnership between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE and will have the responsibility for the identification, financing and monitoring of urgent humanitarian and reconstruction activities in the North and East. The Task Force will operate with due participation of Muslims, and its work will benefit all ethnic communities of the North and East. The details relating to the mandate and structure of the Joint Task Force will rapidly be finalised between the parties with the assistance of the Norwegian facilitators. But, what has already been agreed are the two immediate priorities of the parties being first, stepping up humanitarian mine action and second accelerating resettlement and rehabilitation of internally displaced persons.
The parties expressed their gratitude for the extensive goodwill of the international community towards the peace process. They urged donors to provide immediate funding for humanitarian priorities. This will enhance public confidence in the peace process and thus contribute to the further progress in the quest for peace in Sri Lanka.
The parties also agreed that the establishment of the Joint Task Force is a sign of the increasing level of trusts between parties and of their willingness to work together towards the establishment of a provisional administrative structure for the North and East.
Recognising that way forward is a long one and a demanding one the parties agreed to continuing rounds of negotiations. The next three rounds of negotiations will take place on the following dates:
31st October-3rd November 2002,
2nd – 5th of December 2002 and
6th – 9th January 2003.
These are the three next rounds of schedules to follow. The parties as well as the Norwegian facilitator reiterated their appreciation to the Royal Thai Government for their kindness for providing venue for their negotiation as well as the generous hospitality shown to the delegations.
That concludes the statement and before turning the floor again to the moderator, I would like to highlight one particular issue. I said at the out set of the talks on Monday that it is in the interest of the World Community to see Sri Lanka succeed in this process and therefore it is in our common interest to provide immediate funding to practical peace building on the ground. The parties have now started taking practical steps for peace building on the ground focusing on the immediate humanitarian needs setting the priorities for humanitarian action and agreed on a Joint Task Force to act rapidly. But they can’t act rapidly unless the donors act rapidly. Now the World Community needs to take practical steps to support the parties in their determination to bring peace to Sri Lanka, to support the people of Sri Lanka in building peace from below while the leaders discuss peace at the top. That is our very clear message to International Community.
Thank You.
MARWAAN MACAN-MARKAR of INTER PRESS SERVICE: Critics of the Tamil Tigers have always questioned your commitment and faith to peace talks given what has happened in the past. Could you give us three reasons why they are wrong and why you should be believed this time that you are serious to pursue talks with Sri Lankan Government and reach a political solution?
ANTON BALASINGHAM: I do not agree with the critics when they claim that the LTTE was not concerned or interested in the peace process. The LTTE has been participating in the peace process on several occasions since 1985, at Thimpu until the present time. There were several occasions in which we have expressed our willingness to negotiate with the Government of Sri Lanka. But it is... We are now confident that the peace process has advanced and succeeded. One main reason is that this is the first time a third party...facilitator is involved and guiding the peace process between the parties in conflict. Secondly, a stable foundation for peace is established and the ceasefire is holding for the last seven months. A stable ceasefire is very crucial for we consider it as a stable foundation for peace process and thirdly there is an international monitoring mission consisting of Nordic and Scandinavian countries...supervising the ceasefire. There is an additional reason - the entire international community for the first time is focusing on the dialogue, on the peace process between Sri Lanka Government and the LTTE. And fifthly we have a team. I appreciate that the team Sri Lanka has produced this time consists of men of calibre and understanding and we can relate to them and we can discuss with them and we were happy for the last three days. We have discussed very many complicated issues - core issues, substantial issues, peripheral issues whatever it may be and we were able to proceed positively and I am very much convinced that this peace process will succeed.
ROMAN BOSE, CHANNEL NEWS ASIA: My question is directed towards you. At the meetings held over last three days, were there discussions about the disarmament of the LTTE and under what conditions will the LTTE actually disarm?
ANTON BALASINGHAM: There is no question of disarmament at this early stage of the discussions. You know very well that both parties - the Sri Lankan Government as well as the LTTE - have two standing Armies and also two standing Navies and that it is the first time a stable ceasefire has been established. The question of disarming will not arise until we reach a permanent settlement that will satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people. So I think it is very premature on your part to raise this question of disarmament at this stage.
DECCAN HERALD: You have given priorities to humanitarian issues. Have you worked out the cost of reconstruction and the number of displaced people and how soon they are going to be resettled in the North and East?
ANTON BALASINGHAM: Yes, we have worked out all the details as far as the number of displaced people are concerned. We have in our possession facts and figure with regard to the number displaced. But as far as that the allocation of funds for rehabilitation and resettlement of these people, it is yet to be worked out because we do not have any estimate of the funds that may be needed for the resettlement of the massive number of displaced persons.
WATTSON - MEDIA CORPORATION OF SINGAPORE: The LTTE’s demand for a separate land has been a burning issue and that has not been solved. Does this peace talk or the agreement mean that you have given up your demand for a separate land? I want your answer in English as well as in Tamil please.
ANTON BALASINGHAM: First of all I wish to impress upon you that the LTTE does not operate with the concept of a ‘separate state’. We operate with concepts and categories that are entirely different from what you assume to be a separate state. We operate with a concept of ‘Homeland and self-determination’. ‘Homeland’ does not mean a separate state as such. It refers to a territory where Tamils and Muslim people live, or the Tamil speaking people live and when we use the category or concept of ‘self-determination’, we mean that the concept entails substantial autonomy or self government in our homeland or in the historical area where we live and that solutions can be worked out if both the parties agree to a particular political system or model. But if our demand for regional autonomy and self-Government is rejected and if the conditions of oppression continue, our people will have no option other than to fight for political independence and statehood. That will be the last resort under the principle of self-determination. So, you must understand the current literature, current UN literature of self-determination. We operate through those concepts. So, saying that LTTE is fighting for an independent state has no relevance, because we operate with different categories and concepts. (Answers in Tamil)
SOLHIEM: Before we continue, we cannot have a lot of questions in Sinhala or Tamil because the answers will not be understandable to many in the audience. Please if possible put your questions in English.
BBC: This question is for both the delegates. Mr. Balasingham talked about how you discussed core issues, substantial issues and territorial issues (whatever you want to call them), were you able to proceed positively? Did you move beyond just rehabilitation and reconstruction issues? What did you discuss? And can you tell us a bit about it?
SOLHIEM: May I give the floor to Mr. Peiris and discuss first and then Mr. Balasingham can explain you on that.
G.L. PEIRIS: I think all these matters were addressed. We looked at the political and the legal issues and we agreed on a certain sequence when these are to be taken up. We began with the immediate issues of importance and concern to people of our country - the humanitarian issues, de-mining, reconstruction, rehabilitation, ways and means of expediting the progress towards these objectives and very importantly the resources to undertake a substantial program of economic development not only for the North and the East but for the country as a whole. So, we went into some detail with regard to the nature of the structures that have to be set up for this purpose, because economic development is certainly one of the important aspects of the peace process.
So, it is not correct that we have confined ourselves to any particular gamut of issues. We have covered the whole ground, it has been a comprehensive approach and we have got our priorities right. We have decided where to begin, what to address next and the whole trajectory of the process was discussed. In fact we were able to agree on dates for the next three meetings. So, there is a certain structure, a certain sequence, a coherent framework within which we will be carrying the process forward.
ANTON BALASINGHAM: I will agree with Prof. Peiris because this is the Tamil National question. Tamil ethnic conflict is a very complex issue that has a history of 50 years. So you cannot expect us to resolve this problem within a very short period of time we need time... This problem has to be approached stage by stage and I think we had a very good start where we have not only discussed about the problems of rehabilitation reconstructions, and resettlement of the displaced. But we have also discussed about the possibility of setting up an interim administrative set-up in the course of coming sessions and also we will be able to discuss in the future sessions about the possibility of post-interim administrative set-up, and the core issues will be taken up. I would kindly suggest that you must understand that this process will only succeed if we take up the issues one by one and address it step by step and try to redress them in a long and arduous process.
RAJPAL ABEYNAYAKE – SUNDAY TIMES, COLOMBO: In your statement it has been said that the Joint Task Force is a sign of the increasing level of trust between the parties and of their willingness to work together towards the establishment of a provisional administration structure for the North and East. There has been intense speculation in Colombo that these talks would lead to a setting up of an interim administration. Now, when you say provisional administration, that there was willingness to work towards a provisional administration... Does it mean there were discussions on the establishment of an Interim Administration led by the LTTE as has been speculated intensely in the newspapers in Colombo? And if there was any discussion on the interim administration what was the nature of it? How is it going to be established in law if it was discussed in that fashion?
ANTON BALASINGHAM: To whom you are addressing this question please?
RAJPAL: To either of the Chief negotiators.
SOLHIEM: Since you mention the word law I will give the floor to Mr. G.L. Peiris and then Balasingham may say something afterwards.
G.L. PEIRIS: Well again we have to make the fundamental point. You have to start somewhere. These are all very complex issues so we have to go step by step. In fact, this has been the consistent approach of the government of Sri Lanka and I would say that, this is the main reason why this process has come to the present positive stage – ‘one step at a time’. Now with regard to the Interim Administration or provincial or provisional administration, whatever you wish to call it, we have not gone into details about the composition of it or the structure of it. But we have prepared the ground for it. We have taken the preliminary steps that are necessary to create the conditions which are conducive to that particular initiative. So, we have addressed what we have to do at every point along the way. That is certainly something that has to be done in the future...not immediately. I do not think it would have been reasonable to try to attempt it on the very first occasion when the two parties met directly for talks, but we have addressed the preliminary issues relating to that and we have agreed among ourselves how we should take that forward on the next occasion.
ANTON BALASINGHAM: There is a misconception in Colombo that the interim administration will...is going into be an end in itself. But as far as we are concerned we are talking about a process and the interim or provisional administrative structure which we have not discussed in any detail or in depth as the Prof. has said...but will be a part of the ongoing process of reaching a final settlement or rather, it will be a part of an organic process. So this conception that the LTTE is only interested in the interim administration and once we get the interim administration we will run away from the peace process is a total misconception. But I think there is nothing wrong with setting up of an administrative structure. The LTTE must be given a role, a pivotal role to play and that... We have been fighting in the last 20 years and we were involved in a violent and brutal war and you must give and space an opportunity for our fighters, our cadres to run the administration in our own homeland. What is wrong with that? So if there are unnecessary apprehensions in Colombo, as a noted newspaper you must try to clarify these issues. And I think there is nothing wrong with the formation of provisional administrative setup.
REPORTER FROM ENGLAND-SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST: Can I ask both Professor Peiris and Mr. Balasingham personally...you both have rich and varied histories in this whole process over the last few decades; this is the first time you really sat together and got to know each other. What do you find...what did you think of each other?
G.L. PEIRIS: I think...we have...certainly I have enjoyed meeting and working with Dr. Balasingham. That is a very important part of this process for people to build up confidence, rapport and even apart from the very formal sessions; we have had a series of conversations. We have understood each other’s points of view. This does not mean that total agreement is possible. But throughout this process we are very conscious of the fact that if we are to achieve success we have to understand each others’ anxieties concerns and we have to be sensitive to the problems of other side and process of getting to know each other and talking to each other has certainly been helpful in order to achieve that objective without which no negotiating process can be successful.
ANTON BALASINGHAM: As far as I am concerned the congenial personal relationship is extremely crucial for the success of...embarking on a peace process. Not only that we are meeting each other at this particular round of talks...but we had occasions to meet several members of the government and we had a very good rapport particularly with Melinda...Moragoda and some others we have met several times and I have met Mr. Hakeem couple of times and we established a very good rapport. So I would assure you that we are developing a personal relationship, a relationship of mutual understanding that will promote the peace process.
SOLHIEM: Though your question was just raised to Mr. Balasingham and Prof. Peiris, I would also give chance to Vidar Helgesen to make few comments on this matter because you are the virtual referee who should confirm how excellent the atmosphere really was.
HELGESEN: Yes I think I can confirm that by saying what suddenly came to my mind, it actually seemed like they had a pretty good time.
QUESTION: This is a question to both Prof. Peiris as well as Dr. Balasingham. Though you have said that the proposed North Eastern Interim Administration had been discussed in a preliminary way, I think at this stage...this question is still relevant. Are you kind of considering handing over this interim administration to the LTTE or, is this Interim Administration going to reflect the Pluralistic composition of the North East which means will there be representatives for Sinhalese as well as the Muslims...and other Tamil parties?
G.L. PEIRIS: I think the phrase ‘handing over’ is very unfortunate. That is a wrong way to look at problems of this kind. What we are thinking of are...structures which will enable a partnership. Parties have to work with each other; they have to be involved in matters. Participation is indispensable, if there is to be a solution at the political level. Of course there is no question of excluding anyone. These structures by their very nature have to be all-inclusive. They have to reflect the ethnic and the cultural diversity of the country and they have to cater for the aspirations of all section of our people. And those considerations will be fully addressed when the time comes to addressing in depth the structures that we contemplate.
ANTON BALASINGHAM: As far as I am concerned, it is premature to make comment about the nature, structure and the functions of the envisaged interim set up. As Professor correctly said we will be exploring these possibilities and work out an amicable framework that would satisfy the aspirations of our people as well as the Muslim people and also the Sinhalese people living in North East.
KYODO-JAPANESE NEWS AGENCY: Mr. Peiris Mr. Balasingham Please explain a little more concretely which kind of international aid do you need right now? Especially from Asian countries because today’s senior mediator is Norway. Thank you very much.
G.L.PEIRIS: Well I think that the point we are making is that the conditions in the country today are conducive to starting modest programs of development. So we do not really have to wait until peace returns in a formal sense, until some formal agreement is signed. That is not necessary because since the 22nd of February there has been no violence - that has been a very considerable achievement - and there is peace in the country and it is therefore quite possible to start a whole variety of programmes. They may not be very extensive in scope, but they will certainly make a tangible difference to the lives of the people. Now we think that the donor community will be receptive to that point of view. They will be prepared I think to start programs initially on a modest scale then to expand the scope of these development programs as we go along. That is very much what we hope would be possible and that is the basis on which we will be talking to the international community during next few days. The Hon. Milinda Moragoda will be going to Washington and to London and I will be going to Ottawa to meet the Foreign Minister of Canada. The Hon. Milinda Moragoda will be meeting Claire Short Minister for overseas development in the U.K. The Prime Minister has met several leading figures in New York at the U.N. So I think that the effort is certainly going to be successful given the high degree of interest in Sri Lanka at present time.
BALASINGHAM: I agree with the Professor.
C.N.N.: I’d like to follow up on that line of questioning. The International Community has been watching very closely what is going on here...in Thailand. Do you feel you have done enough with what you have come to today...to free up that aid, from many of those who are sceptical that this negotiating session would result as the previous have...in shambles? Do you think you have the ability now to move forward and attract that aid and investment that Sri Lanka so desperately needs?
ANTON BALASINGHAM: I think...we have done enough in the sense...I think your questions should not be confined to the last three days because for the last 8 months we have been consistently working...first to formulate a ceasefire document and the Norwegian facilitators were able to work out a framework of a stable ceasefire which both the parties agreed and this ceasefire document was signed in February this year. This is also part of the peace process...so that was a great achievement. After 20 years of war, this is the first time a stable ceasefire agreement was signed with the international monitoring mission supervising the peace process...or the ceasefire. And now for the last 7 months this ceasefire is holding on; that itself demonstrates the fact that both the parties are sincerely committed to a peace process. Secondly there have been several meetings between the Chief Protagonists that is the Tamil Tigers as well as the Government of Sri Lanka...and that only recently we have met here in Thailand for a structured talk. That structured talk is crucial because the objective of the structured talk is to bring about, to address urgent and immediate problems as well as the core issues and to work on a concrete agenda and that this process will go on but so far so good, so far we have achieved a substantial result in stabilising a ceasefire and also working out some concrete plan to build up the war damaged economy of North and East. And the International Community which has been supporting the peace process and asking both the parties to enter into a...a political dialogue to solve the ethnic question and that...we are doing that. And that...it is the obligation of the international community to help us. So that the peace process could be advanced further.
G.L. PEIRIS: I think the international community is now certain of several things. One is that there is a degree of seriousness and firm political resolve. Secondly that a structure has been set up, to handle these resources and that structure involves collaboration between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE. There is no antagonism; on the contrary there is partnership. So, that’s a big step forward and I am sure that will inspire confidence in the donor community.
AN AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPER: I understand the talks were courteous and congenial. But I am just wondering at what points did you disagree, what subjects did you decide to put into the hard basket for taking at a later time?
G.L. PEIRIS: Well of course there would be divergence of opinions of otherwise there would be no need for negotiating process. I would say that there has been no sharp acute or acrimonious disagreement. There was nothing of that kind. We understand the differences in our points of view and different perceptions and then we explored ways and means of narrowing down these differences. That is the essence of negotiating process. And just as much as the process has been moving forward for the last 7 months, as Dr. Balasingham has said. After all since the ceasefire agreement signed in February there was a lot of scepticism. Many people thought it would break down rapidly...that did not happen. Likewise, that does not mean there were no problems. There were problems, but they were addressed in such a manner as to prevent escalation. Like that, in this process also we have identified the differences and we also know how we can tackle them in order to achieve the objective of a lasting and durable political settlement.
Sub QUESTION: What are they?
BALSINGHAM: What I can say is that both the parties are seriously and sincerely committed to make the process successful. Within that context you can expect that we will try to avoid any contentious issues that would create any contradiction at this early stage. Of course there are differences of views so far as the position of both parties are concerned. There are different views we are trying ways and means to reconcile this contradictory positions in the course of time. The success of the peace process will depend on how the parties can work out ways and means to reconcile, irreconcilable positions and we hope in the course of time we can over come those difficulties.
V S SAMBANTHAN - THE HINDU: My first question is to Prof. Peiris and Dr. Balasingham. Critics of the entire peace process in Colombo and elsewhere have been saying that the interim administration is a stepping-stone to Tamil Eelam. What is your reaction on that? My second question is to Mr. Helgesen and Dr. Balasingham. There have been reports of a proposed visit by Dr. Balasingham to the Vanni immediately after this. What are your comments on that?
G.L. PEIRIS: The Interim Administration is exactly what its name connotes. It is a step on the way. It is also a link to the final objectives relating to the separation of functions and allocation of responsibilities between the central government and the regional structures. So it has to be seen as part of the process. It does not stop there. Apprehensions are entirely unfounded. But it is a useful mechanism. Far from doing any damage it is necessary among other things to accelerate the economic development of those areas it will provide a coherent structure within which development programs can be undertaken. There will be proper fiscal responsibility. You know...who are the officials who are entrusted with particular functions... You need a formal structure of that kind to undertake development on the scale that is required at the present time. But it does not stop there. That is one step in the process and that is a launching pad for the accomplishment of the other aims and objectives with which we will work towards a little further down the way.
BALASINGHAM: Your question that the LTTE is going to demand this interim administration as a step towards establishing and independent State of Eelam - that is not our view. But you must remember that the LTTE has already got a permanent administration in our controlled areas. Therefore we need not have an interim administration. In actual fact what we are seeking is legitimacy - international legitimacy for administrative structure where we can co-ordinated and work with the Government of Sri Lanka as well as to seek some recognition from the international community. But as I have already said our objective is when you use the concept of Eelam that I disagree with you. We don’t operate within the concept of Elam. We operate with the concept of self-determination which has multiple meanings and objectives and that we are not seeking an Interim setup as an end in itself.
As I repeatedly said, this is a process and then we will reach a stage where the substantial and core issues will be taken up and then we will seek a model that would satisfy the aspirations of our people that would lead to an autonomous self-government in our areas. I do not want to go into these details as at this stage because these are the areas which we have to explore and work out an amicable agreement in the course of time. But I have to impress upon you that the Interim Administration is not our objective at all...Because we have already got a massive permanent administrative structure in areas under our control.
HELGESEN: With regard to Mr. Balasingham’s travel plans I have not seen his air tickets, but I do know he is going to London tomorrow, if not, day after tomorrow, something like that.
VIJAY JOSHI - ASSOCIATED PRESS: My question is to Prof. Peiris. A little while ago, Dr. Balasingham said there is no question of disarming. What is your reaction to that? And you also heartened by his comments that they are not seeking a separate Nation but only a self-autonomy? Does that fill you with hopes?
G.L.PEIRIS: Yes, Definitely. Because we know that, this is not the objective of the LTTE. They have stated it categorically on this occasion. A separate state is not what their aspirations are about and these aspirations can be fulfilled within one country if you set about it in a proper way. That is exactly the spirit in which we propose to handle these discussions. So I do not think that there is any problem about that. The government is certainly pleased about it. What was the next question?
Sub question: Disarmament.
G.L. Peiris: At the beginning of a negotiating process you do not ask for disarmament. You have to achieve some progress with regard to the substantive issues and decommissioning of weapons and demilitarisation would come at a later stage. That is how any realistic, pragmatic negotiating process would be handled.
QUESTION: This question is to Minister Peiris and then the follow up to the Tamil side. What would be your guarding principle in dealing with the issue of atrocity and war crimes and is there an acceptance from the Tamil side that this is an issue that doesn’t need to be addressed at this time?
G.L.PEIRIS: Well we are at a stage... - as I indicated in my opening presentation - this is not a question of retribution or it is not a question of vengeance. We have to put all that behind us. There has to be a sea change, we have to take stock of the existing situation and move forward. As far as we are concerned there is no conflict between the human rights dimension and the conflict resolution process. Those are not incompatible. Human Rights are part and parcel of it and we do not anticipate any serious difference of opinion between those parties because any conflict resolution which is going to stand the test of time will have to be founded upon the rights and aspirations of the people. So, I do not think we will have much difficulty in reconciling these two things as part of the process that we have embarked upon.
Follow up QUESTION: That sounds like you are not going to be dealing with it. Is that correct?
G.L.PEIRIS: NO no that was not a matter that arose during the discussions of last two or three days. We have been working according to a certain agenda. We were addressing the issues that we thought were crucial at this point of time and the matters which you raised did not form a part of the Agenda of the last two days.
QUESTION: That was not my question.
G.L.PEIRIS: I am sorry we have indicated that these are all matters that can be taken up as part of the discussions as we go along; they were no discussed during the last two days. That does not preclude them from discussions in the future.
SOLHIEM: Deputy Minister Helgesen now leaves for a very important appointment but we will continue a little further if both sides can accept that.
QUESTION: I would like to ask a question from Prof. Peiris. From 1994 onwards you are involved in the peace process but in your opening ceremony you mentioned that the President started this peace process. But today all the Sri Lankan Newspapers say the President has not given a clear statement. So we would like to know...the PA Government...the President says that she is for peace...but who is closely associating her...are joining hands with JVP and sabotaging the peace process. I would like to know how are you going to manage these things and bring the peace and we would like to know from your point of view whether the President is for Peace or she is against the peace process.
G.L.PEIRIS: Well all I would like to say is that the overwhelming majority of people in the country are solidly behind peace. There cannot be any question about it. Across the political divide there is a deep desire for peace. And everything that we have done here during the last couple of days in a way is a response to those aspirations on the part of our people which have been very powerfully and very convincingly articulated. The country does not believe in war. This war has gone on for 18 years; we all can see the destruction that has been caused by the war. And today the country is deeply committed to a political process and there is a profound conviction that is the only key to a viable solution. I don’t think that there can be anybody out of line with that basic approach that represents a deep conviction of the people of Sri Lanka and we are greatly enthused and emboldened by that reality which is very much in evidence.
Follow up QUESTION: I would like to ask the question from the moderator, as the facilitator is not there from the advisor Eric Solhiem...after signing [of the MOU] I think America and Norway and are very keen on Sri Lankan peace - we are in doubt about it that the Indian Government’s International Policy because after quick as possible signing the MOU agreement the Trincomalee harbour was given the right to the Indian Government...because when the Indo Sri Lanka pact is concerned they came as solving the problem they put a note that the Trincomalee Harbour should not be given to anybody without their knowledge. So we would like to have a comment from you. Before ending the peace process we do not like to give pieces of Sri Lanka to other countries and we have no doubts about Norway and America, but we still doubt about the previous people who wanted to help us and who wanted to get benefits from their international policies.[sic]
G.L.PEIRIS: I do not think that there is a problem there at all. That is a commercial transaction. India is solidly behind the peace process. India wishes this well. India has categorically stated that. The Republic of India does not want to see the millitarisation of Sri Lanka. They have been kept regularly informed we know that we have their goodwill and there is no problem of the kind that you envisage at all.
SOLHEIM: Since you put question to me as the moderator, I will of course be the moderator here. Indians have been solidly 100% behind this peace process and without the help and assistance of India it will be very very difficult to achieve the results which are achieved so far. India has been supportive 100%.
QUESTION: Would you be making a joint appeal for foreign aid how much will you be appealing for at this stage? Thirdly would you consider appealing for a pledging conference which we saw with your appearance recently?
G.L.PEIRIS: Yes, We are making a joint appeal. We both want to succeed
in this. The Royal Norwegian Government as facilitators will also be appealing to the international community and having a series of meetings with them and as part of this process we may well have a pledging conference within the next few months and the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka will probably take that initiative.
NHK: My question is to Mr. Balasingham. As you said just now that there is dedicated effort of the Norwegian Government. My question is what makes you attract and win the Norwegians and can you comment on your kidney operation in Norway? My second question is in this peace process lifting ban on LTTE is a key factor and your decision to give up the suicide mission makes it possible I think. So my question is why LTTE has decided to denounce the suicide mission?
SOLHIEM: Bala, there are two questions about Norway and suicide missions.
BALASINGHAM: I had a kidney transplant operation three years ago. We are very thankful to the Government of Norway for providing medical facilities to have the operation done in Oslo and that helped me to revive and it was a contribution to peace as well it is an act of humanitarian gesture on the part of the Norwegian Government. We are thankful. As far as acts...We do not use the concept suicide attacks or something like that, as you know, since our ceasefire agreement, there is a total cessation of armed violence. There is peace in Sri Lanka and if there is a permanent settlement there won’t be any form of violence and we can assure you that we are striving...our level best to work out a permanent settlement to the ethnic problem. That will put an end to all forms of violence including armed struggle. That is all. Thank you.
QUESTIONS: Were there any order or instructions from your Leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran to stop the suicide mission?
BALASINGHAM: I think that question is not relevant.
SOLHIEM: I...I think we should not go into all these details. I mean both sides have stopped all sorts of atrocities and all sort of military attacks on each other of every kind. That has saved may be 2,000 lives in Sri Lanka this year.
QUESTION: This question is for Prof. Peiris. We all know very well that President Chandrika Kumaratunga has been against the plan to lift the ban on LTTE. But now from this press conference and from the proceedings of peace talks we come to know that you have moved closer. But when you bring back peace decisions and peace plans, do you think that the President Chandrika Kumaratunga will have approval for this. Will she be a stumbling block for this peace process?
G.L.PEIRIS: No, I think that at the end of the day the guiding factor is the strength of feeling in the country. And nobody who assesses the Sri Lankan scene at all realistically today can entertain the slightest doubt about the vigour of public feeling with regard to peace. So, in a democratic culture where the aspirations of the people have to be taken into account, we doubt very much that anybody in the high echelons of Government will feel able to defy the wishes of the people to that extent. So we do not think that is really a danger.
SOLHEIM: We will now entertain maybe one or two questions.
VINEETHA WICKRAMANAYAKE - TRANS ASIA NEWS SERVICE: Mr. Anton Balasingham, I want to quote a small saying 'united stand divided fall'. What is your personal opinion on this saying?
SOLHEIM: Since there is so short of time, put questions directly related to the peace process and Peace talks in Sri Lanka.
PK Balachandran HINDUSTAN TIMES: This is a question addressed to Dr. Balasingham. Dr. Balasingham, please don’t say that is premature. In the Interim Administration that is going to be formed, will there be a place for political parties other than the LTTE and those few parties which are not with the TNA? What is your plan for the Muslims? What is the kind of representation you are thinking of at this point of time?
BALASINGHAM: You are well aware that we have a very good relationship with the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) consisting of four to five parties and they have been voted to power on a mandate that they recognize the LTTE as the sole authentic representative of our people. Of course there are other small parties. We have never made any attempt to repress them, but they have every freedom to contest if there is any electoral process under the Interim Administrative structure. Most important question is the Muslim community. I can assure you that both the Government of Sri Lanka and LTTE will consider a substantial representation of the Muslim people in the Interim Administrative structure because we recognise the Muslims living in the North and the East as our brothers and also the Tamil homeland is a part of their territory. So therefore we will have a series of discussions with Muslim Leadership on this matter in the course of time.
SOLHEIM: We will now entertain two more questions.
ZACKIE JABAAR-THE ISLAND: Professor Peiris you said that there is a large following for peace in Sri Lanka but there is a feeling among the majority that in the Interim Administration would eventually lead to a separate state. How do you respond to that?
G.L.PEIRIS: That question has been already answered. The Interim Administration is linked to broader objectives. It is a means of achieving something else. It is not and end in itself and that is misconception.
QUESTION: But would it lead to a ‘Regional Council’ with wider powers?
G.L.PEIRIS: Of course it is a regional council with specific responsibilities for the development of that area. You have similar structures for the rest of the country.
TTN. PARIS: My question is to both of you gentlemen...Sri Lanka has lifted the ban on LTTE. Will you appeal to the International Community, few other countries where there still a ban to lift the ban?
G.L.PEIRIS: No, Sri Lanka has taken a decision for herself. Sri Lanka announced it as early as June this year that once definite dates are fixed for the commencement of direct talks then our country will be prepared to lift the ban ten days before the commencement of talks in order to create the atmosphere that is necessary for the talks to commence and to continue cordially. So we have done that. There is a broad acceptance of that in the country, because our people want this process to succeed. That is a decision for Sri Lanka to make and we made that decision.
BALASINGHAM: As far as the LTTE is concerned we have been demanding the de-proscription of LTTE is a necessary condition for participating in the peace process, because we feel that de-proscription is necessary for acknowledging our Liberation Movement as an authentic representative of our people. So Sri Lankan Government has de-proscribed us and now we are participating together in the peace process as equals as authentic representatives of our people. In so far as the de-proscription in other countries is concerned we are confident if the peace process succeeds and in the process other countries will be compelled to review their stand and if they are convinced that the peace process is going to succeed they might consider de-proscribing the LTTE.
FRANCES BULATHSINHALA- SUNDAY OBSERVER and DAWN Pakistan: Mr. Solheim, can you please tell us whether the LTTE leader was kept in touch with the proceedings of the peace talks for past three days? That is my question number 1. And question number 2 is about the issue of prisoner exchange. If could just comment on how you will work it out and the number of POWs from the LTTE side that the government plans to release as well as the LTTE where Sinhala POWs are concerned? And also about the rights of the Muslims...what was exactly discussed the facilitation of a atmosphere conducive to the Muslims in North and East...because you all know that there were plenty of mosques in Jaffna and other Eastern Areas which have already demolished. Where rehabilitation is concerned...how modalities will be worked out to make it normal for the Muslims as well as the Tamils.
BALASINGHAM: I can assure you that we are in touch with the LTTE leader Mr. Prabhakaran and every aspect of the discussion conveyed to him and he is very happy and satisfied with the whole process. Secondly, the question of exchanging the prisoners of war is being still discussed and very soon there will be a working arrangement and there will be exchange very soon. Thirdly I don’t think there is any extensive damage to mosques in Jaffna. There are several mosques in Jaffna which are not severely damaged. But when we launch the reconstruction program in the North priority will be given to rebuild these mosques and allow our Muslim brothers to perform their worship in these mosques.
G.L.PEIRIS: Well that is an issue that is being addressed. We have already made some progress and there are some other steps to be taken in the future as Dr. Balasingham indicated we have identified what needs to be done and we will be setting up a committee consisting both sides to look at these issues.
SOLHEIM: There will be no more questions and either Mr. Balasingham or Mr. Peiris will make a few timely remarks what was basically achieved.
BALASINGHAM: As far as the engagement here in Thailand is concerned the LTTE is very happy. I think we have achieved a remarkable success in establishing a very cordial relationship and the discussions were very constructive and we have taken few decisions and this process is going to continue. And before my concluding remarks I wish to thank the Royal Government of Thailand for offering us a venue and providing us with a gracious hospitality and that we again express our gratitude to the Government of Thailand.
G.L.PEIRIS: From our point of view I would entirely agree with that I think that there are several solid achievements. One is that this process will go on and it is not going to break down whatever the difficulties may arise we will hold fast to our cause of political negotiation. Secondly we have dealt with some of the immediate issues like de-mining. De-mining is very important we have dealt with de-mining, the resettlement of internally displaced persons and concrete measures have been put in place. Thirdly with regard to the Economic Development which is very important. After all, the main objective is to make life easier and better for our people. We have set up certain structures, we have established a partnership and we have inspired confidence in international communities. So we are now in a position to make a direct appeal to them with conviction and finally we have agreed and that this also must not be underestimated we have clearly accepted that all these issues must be considered and nothing is to be excluded. We have not only agreed to consider these issues, but we have agreed on a sequence, a logical sequence in which they will be addressed. Anybody who expects all these issues to be taken up and resolved in the first round is being unrealistic. We have agreed on a modus operandi which will bring success within our reach. So it has been a very promising beginning.
SOLHEIM: Thank you very much for your patience. You should understand because of time limit we could not entertain all questions today both Mr. Balasingham and Mr. Peiris will have future press conferences and there will most certainly be future press conferences together also, so you will be able to put those questions in future in those occasions. Thank you so much for being with us and good travel back home for those of you who have come from Sri Lanka or elsewhere.
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